Free Papua Movement
Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM)
Indonesia
faced separatist and sectarian fighting in several parts of the
far-flung archipelago, in addition to Papua, giving rise to fears the
country could break apart. The government took a hard-line on
separatist movements since it lost control of East Timor in 1999.
Migration from other parts of Indonesia has increased the number of
non-Papuan residents to about 40 percent of the current population in
Papua and West Papua. The total population of both provinces is 2.4
million, of which 900,000 are migrants. Past government-sponsored
transmigration programs, which moved households from more densely
populated areas to less populated regions, account for part of the
influx. The majority of the population shift has resulted from natural
migration trends from Indonesia’s large population centers to Papua
where there is relatively low population density. Some Papuans have
voiced concerns that the migrants have interfered with their
traditional ways of life, land usage, and economic opportunities.
Although the region is rich in natural resources, including gold,
copper, natural gas, and timber, Papua lags behind other parts of
Indonesia in some key development indicators. Poverty is widespread in
Papua and Papua has the lowest level of adult literacy in Indonesia at
74 percent. The region also has a disproportionately high number of
HIV/AIDS cases compared with the rest of Indonesia and high rates of
infant and maternal mortality.
Irian Jaya, the former Dutch New Guinea or West New Guinea (WNG),
remained under Dutch control after Indonesian independence in 1949. In
December 1961 Indonesia's President Sukarno ordered the "liberation" of
WNG. In 1961, in Operation Trikora, Indonesian forces took over West
New Guinea, renaming it Irian Barat in the process. In January 1962 the
new US President John F. Kennedy considered WNG to be a potentially
dangerous Cold War focal point in Southeast Asia. With the escalation
of the conflict in Vietnam, Kennedy sought to avoid a second crisi in
the region. He refused to support the Netherlands -- a NATO ally --
over WNG. The US government pressured the Dutch into an August 1962
agreement for the transfer of WNG to Indonesia in May 1963. A
combination of Indonesian political and military pressure and
international efforts led to an October 1962 Dutch transfer of
sovereignty to the United Nations (UN) Temporary Executive Authority,
which was supported by a military observer force that oversaw the
cease-fire. In May 1963, full administrative control was handed over to
Indonesia.
After a 1969 Act of Free Choice, the territory, which the Indonesians
called Irian Barat (West Irian) until 1972, was integrated into the
republic as Indonesia's twenty-sixth province. Rich in natural
resources, Irian Jaya (Victorious Irian)--as the province was renamed
in 1972--is the largest and least-populated province.
Opposition to Indonesian control has existed since 1963. This
opposition takes two forms: those in favor of a federation with Papua
New Guinea, and those whom prefer independence as West Papua or "West
Melanesia." The 'Act of Free Choice' in 1969 involved little more than
a small number of hand-picked indigeneous Papuans who were taught a few
simple pro-Indonesian phrases in Indonesian language and then told to
say them in front of an audience. It was not in any way a 'choice', or
'free', and certainly did not involve the consent of even a substantial
minority of the population, let alone a majority.
Cultural differences between Indonesians and the indigenous
population and complaints about the Javanization of Irian Jaya
exacerbated tensions. The cultural conflict was aggravated by
indigenous people's perceptions that they were being left behind
economically by a flood of Indonesian immigrants coming in via the
central government sponsored transmigration program. Native-born
Irianese also resented the so-called spontaneous immigrants who
dominated the informal sectors of urban economies. International
critics of Indonesian policy in Irian Jaya accused the central
government of waging a kind of demographic genocide.
Indonesia's efforts to exploit the resources and assimilate
the indigenous Papuan and Melanesian populations into the national
administration and culture met sporadic armed resistance from the Free
Papua Movement and aroused international concerns. Since the 1960s the
Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM), which has its
own flag, has waged a low-level but diehard guerilla separatist
campaign. The campaign peaked in the late 1970s with attacks on
government outposts. Although the OPM became a marginal domestic actor,
more visible as an international symbol, the fact of its existence
justified an intimidating Indonesian military presence in the province,
where suspicions about Irianese loyalties led to abuses in the
civil-military relationship.
The US Government asserted that the Free Papua Movement had
committed human rights abuses including hostage-taking and summary
executions, and it may be targeting US citizens or US companies in
Irian Jaya Province for hostage taking or for sabotage. In 1996, a
group of foreigners was taken hostage in Irian Jaya by the Free Papua
Movement, although they have since been released. In January 1997 the
Free Papua Movement took 26 people hostage in Mapunduma village.
Several of the hostages were released, but 11 Indonesians and
foreigners were released after a military operation in May 1997. Two of
the Indonesian hostages were believed to have been killed by the OPM
during the release operation.
Free Papua Movement supporters assert, that human rights
abuses have been committed by Indonesian Special Forces (KOMPASSUS),
and that the US mining conglomerate Freeport McMoRan has been
responsible for environmental abuses in West Papua.
In 1998, after the downfall of authoritarian President
Suharto, there were signs that Jakarta was trying to improve relations
with Papua. However, negotiations came to an abrupt halt in 2001 when
members of the army murdered separatist leader Theys Eluay. When Mr.
Eluay's killers were convicted earlier in 2003, the head of the army
described them as "heroes."
Indonesia’s parliament in 2001 granted Special Autonomy to
Papua, which, along with Aceh, was one of the two areas in Indonesia
that harbored high-profile separatist movements. This law devolved to
provincial and local authorities all government functions outside of
five national competencies; defense, foreign affairs, religious
affairs, justice, and monetary/fiscal policy.
Forty years after Indonesia took over the former Dutch colony,
tensions rann high in Papua, fueled in part a government decision to
divide the province in two. Jakarta says the move makes it easier to
administer the huge area. Some critics, however, say there are other
motives. What there is now is outrage of an unprecedented level with
Jakarta for this effort to divide the province with an almost
explicitly stated motivation of weakening the political independence
movement.
On 01 December 2003 separatists in Indonesia's Papua province
marked what they consider independence day by defying a government ban
on raising their flag. Recent administrative changes imposed by Jakarta
have increased tensions in the province, and there seems to be no sign
that discontent with Indonesian rule is easing. A group of about five
hundred separatist sympathizers raised the Papua independence flag on
Monday morning. Despite a government ban on flag-raising ceremonies,
and a military order to shoot demonstrators, the ceremony passed
peacefully. Over the previous few days, however, 42 people have been
arrested for similar acts of defiance and could face life in prison.
Rebels from the poorly armed military wing of the independence
movement have made a number of small attacks during 2003. Sporadic-low
intensity fighting between the government forces and rebels continued
with few major incidents in 2004, but analysts, however, say military
force is unlikely to end the dispute.
On July 28, 2006 the military wing of the OPM, the West Papua
National Liberation Army (TPN), decided that after a three-day summit,
its objectives should be sought exclusively through peaceful means, and
that force would only be used in self-defence. On July 31 of that year,
the OPM announced a unilateral ceasefire and six of its members turned
themselves over to the Indonesian government. In the Southern Region of
West Papua, local OPM commanders have either stopped armed struggle or
remained inactive. The Indonesian Army announced in return that they
will stop offensive military actions in Papua. Subsequently, several
other OPM members gave themselves up to Indonesian authorities.
Despite the OPM's intentions of using nonviolence and the
surrender of several of its members, on December 12, 2006 a series of
brief clashes allegedly between OPM rebels and government forces
occured in Puncak Jaya Regency, Papua.
Indonesia's government also blames OPM for an attack on a
member of Brimob in the town of Mulia in Puncak Jaya on December 13,
2006. After these incidents of violence, the Indonesian military
demanded the surrender of the OPM. The OPM claimed that some of these
attacks the government blames them for were actually staged by the
Indonesian Army to justify its presence in the region. In anticipation
of increased fighting and an influx of troops, Mulia more or less shut
down. Sweeping operations by the military that December led to an
estimated 5,000 people fleeing their homes.
In Jaunary and August of 2007, Indonesian's military conducted
counterinsurgency operations in Puncak Jaya, displacing thousands of
people from the Yamo district in the regency. Further but unconfirmed
new operations were conducted in January 2009. Up to 16,000 people
displaced in Puncak Jaya have not returned as of March 2007.
According to the Indonesian police in July 2007, the Papuan
separatist movement has weakened since only about 6% of the Papuan
population in Indonesia are active members, and since the police claim
that the OPM has 50 guns and rifles scattered throughout Papua. In July
2009, several attacks allegedly by OPM rebels have occured near the
Freeport McMoran gold and copper mining complex in Papua near the town
of Timika. The Indonesian government and media noted that Indonesian
security forces looking to profiteer from the lucrative mine may also
have been involved.
By 2010 the Special Autonomy Law of 2001 had not been fully implemented
in Papua. Implementation was delayed due to lack of implementing
regulations. In addition, the provincial governments lacked the
capacity to take on certain key responsibilities and some central
government ministries had yet to cede their authorities. Although full
implementation of Special Autonomy had not yet been realized,
Indonesian government officials pointed to increased funding to Papua,
which had totaled Rp 27 trillion or approximately US$3 billion in the
nine years since 2001, higher per capita than any other area in
Indonesia. The Special Autonomy Law created the Papuan People’s Council
(MRP) to protect Papuan culture. The MRP rejected Special Autonomy,
symbolically handing Special Autonomy back to Indonesian authorities.
This action had no practical legal effect, but it did highlight the
need for increased dialogue between Papua and Jakarta to resolve the
region’s outstanding differences.
The government in Jakarta gave the region local autonomy, similar to
that given Aceh in 2005 to settle a long-standing insurgency there, but
there are significant differences between Aceh and Papua. While the
2005 Aceh autonomy agreement empowered local police to keep the peace,
in Papua national security forces from outside the province enforce
internal security, one of key the differences between autonomy in Aceh
and Papua provinces. By 2011 there were more than 30,000 national
police and military stationed in Papua, and are seen by many as an
occupying force.
Developments affecting Papua, which includes the Indonesian provinces
of Papua and West Papua, are closely followed by the US Department of
State and represent an important aspect of overall relations with
Indonesia. The United States recognizes and respects the territorial
integrity of Indonesia within its current borders and does not support
or condone separatism in Papua, or in any other part of the country. At
the same time, the US strongly supports respect for universal human
rights within Indonesia, including the right of peaceful assembly, free
expression of political views, and the fair and non-discriminatory
treatment of ethnic Papuans within Indonesia.
Within this context, the US has consistently encouraged the Indonesian
government to work with the indigenous Papuan population to address
their grievances, resolve conflicts peacefully, and support development
and good governance in the Papuan provinces. The US believed the full
implementation of the 2001 Special Autonomy Law for Papua, which
emerged as part of Indonesia’s democratic transition, would help
resolve long-standing grievances. The US encouraged the Indonesian
government to work with Papuan authorities to discuss ways to empower
Papuans and further implement the Special Autonomy provisions, which
grant greater authority to Papuans to administer their own affairs.
By 2011 US support for Indonesia's strong stand against Papuan
separatists put added pressure on the independence movement to seek a
negotiated settlement. But there were concerns that the U.S. is not
putting equal pressure on the Indonesian side to peacefully resolve the
conflict. While visiting Indonesia, U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta
reiterated the U.S. commitment to closer ties with Indonesia and voiced
support for Indonesia's strong stance against a separatist movement in
the eastern province of Papua. But U.S. Assistant Secretary of State
Kurt Campbell said the warming relationship had not stopped the U.S.
from speaking out against possible human rights abuses by the military
in Papua.
In October 2011 police and military units violently dispersed
participants in the Third Papua People’s Congress, a gathering held in
Jayapura October 16-19. Activists displayed banned separatist symbols
and read out a declaration of independence for the “Republic of West
Papua” on the final day of the gathering. Police fired into the air and
detained hundreds of persons, all but six of whom were released the
following day. Three persons were found shot and killed in the area.
Police spokesmen claimed that the police were equipped only with rubber
bullets and other non-lethal ammunition. Police beat many of those
detained, and dozens were injured. Six of the leaders of the Third
Papua People’s Congress were convicted on charges of treason and
weapons possession and were serving jail terms of approximately three
years.
Credible international NGOs estimated that there were more than 80
political prisoners at the end of the year. Most were prosecuted under
treason and conspiracy statutes for actions related to the display of
banned separatist symbols, and many were serving lengthy sentences.
Government officials affirmed publicly that they would not tolerate the
display of separatist symbols. A number of Papuan independence
activists were in detention or prison for raising a banned separatist
flag. Local human rights observers noted that enforcement of
flag-raising laws was not always consistent but was widespread across
Papua and West Papua provinces. These observers asserted that persons
arrested for political offenses often faced harsh treatment, including
withholding of necessary medical care.
On 16 March 2012, Jayapura District Court convicted five Papuan
independence activists, including Forkorus Yaboisembut and Edison
Waromi, and sentenced them to three years in prison for their
statements declaring the independence of the “Republic of West Papua,”
display of banned separatist symbols, and leadership roles at the
October 2011 Third Papuan People’s Congress. Defense attorneys alleged
during the trial that police interrogated the accused without advice of
counsel and beat those held while in pretrial detention.
In 2012 separatist guerillas in Papua killed members of the security
forces in several attacks and injured others. Suspected Papuan
separatists also killed a number of non-Papuan Indonesian migrants in
Papua throughout 2012. On 14 June 2012, unidentified members of the
security forces in Jayapura, Papua shot and killed Mako Tabuni, a
leader of the National Committee for West Papua (KNPB), which campaigns
for self-determination for the provinces of Papua and West Papua. The
circumstances surrounding Tabuni’s death remained unclear, with
Indonesian National Police (INP) personnel asserting that Tabuni was
shot while resisting arrest and human rights advocates stating that he
was shot in the back while attempting to run away. Tabuni believed that
he was the target of a government assassination attempt that claimed
the life of student activist Tejoli Weya on May 1. Unknown actors shot
Weya during a demonstration commemorating the 1963 transfer of Papua
and West Papua from the Netherlands to Indonesia.
The remoteness of the area made it difficult to confirm reports of
burned villages and civilian deaths. On June 6, following an incident
in Wamena in which a child was injured in a traffic accident involving
two 756 Infantry Battalion soldiers on a motorcycle, local residents
beat the two soldiers, killing First Private Ahmad Sahlan and severely
injuring Sergeant Parloi Pardede. Subsequently, 50-100 members of the
battalion descended on that neighborhood of Wamena, killing Elinus
Yoman, injuring a number of residents, and reportedly burning 87
houses. At year’s end authorities had not arrested or disciplined any
members of the 756 Infantry Battalion for their roles in the incident.
The Indonesian Army claimed their soldiers had to defend themselves
while attempting to retrieve Sahlan’s body. A few days following the
event, a special reconciliation ceremony occurred that included local
villagers, civilian officials, and security forces.
Much of the violence in Papua and West Papua had a link to the Free
Papua Movement (OPM) and security force operations against OPM. For
example, on August 23, police arrested four persons who they alleged
were OPM members as suspects in the August 21killing of police officer
Yohan Kasimatau at Enarotali Airport in Paniai. In addition to killings
by security forces and OPM, there were a number of violent incidents,
including some killings by unknown parties in Papua and West Papua.
Unknown attackers, whom government officials and human rights contacts
suspected to be Papuan separatists, killed a small number of non-Papuan
migrants.
In February 2013 gunmen in Indonesia's Papua province killed eight
soldiers during two separate attacks in the region. In the first
incident, Army officials say attackers stormed an army post in Puncak
Jaya district, shooting two soldiers and leaving one dead. Hours later,
officials say the same gunmen attacked a group of soldiers walking near
the Ilaga airport, killing seven. Two civilians were shot when soldiers
returned fire.
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